While the political actors of the Tahrir generation seem to fade away, their revolutionary spirit still simmers within Egyptian society. The “Mahragan” with its often blasphemous but honest lyrics, remains a lasting symbol of the achievements made towards freedom of speech in 2011. Our 7th evening in the 2015 14km Film and Discussion Series was devoted to this phenomenon of Egyptian pop culture and its development in Cairo’s slums. With “Electro Chaabi,” director Hind Meddeb describes the rise of this eponymous musical style (its name, “Mahragan,” roughly translates to “festival”): from the slums of Cairo to the mainstream of Egyptian popular culture. The film features Mahragan’s pioneering artists (DJ Amr Haha, DJ Ramy, DJ Vigo, Figo, MC Alaa 50 Cent, MC Sadat, Oka & Ortega, Weza – the last three of whom perform together as Eight Percent), who took old PCs, keyboards, and downloaded remix tapes to reinvent traditional Chaabi music with an electronic spin. Often piercing rhythms mix with distorted melodies, whose sarcastic and provocative lyrics highlight the struggles of daily life in Cairo’s slums. The artists repeatedly suggest that their success lies in their ability to express what people on the street are thinking, often using banal examples and humorous exaggerations, but also without hesitating to take up controversial political issues. The artists are portrayed in multiple settings: while practising their songs, in interviews with friends and relatives, and, importantly, at four of their live wedding performances. The latter exemplify where Electro-Chaabi music first evolved and became known, before being spread through videos across Youtube and ending as an omnipresent vibe in the streets and on public transport. The film dives into this male dominated, youth sub-culture, fighting for freedom of speech in a society where artistic expression is often tightly constrained. Even the Mahragan performers uncritically accept strict rules of gender separation: men and women never dance together, but always separately. The film consistently offers rare glimpses into the social realities of the densely populated streets and yards in Cairo’s poorer areas, where countless Tuk-Tuks toot their way through an endless sea of houses, mountains of (occasionally burning) garbage, and minors looking for their chance to earn some cash as a taxi-driver. These suburbs operate decoupled, and largely marginalised, from the reach of Cairo’s formal public services. According to one song, drug consumption offers many residents a relief from the stress of these chaotic scenes. An every day occurrence, even children are often caught in the cycle of drugs. While the film mostly takes place in suburbs like Imbaba, Al-Matariyyah, El-Salam City, it moves into downtown Cairo by the end. Mahragan is becoming mainstream. Oka & Ortega sign their first contract with a record company, taking the chance to become national celebrities. We see them appearing in talk-shows, and soon learn they are touring Cairo’s clubs and playing at upper class weddings in five-star hotels. Having made the big time, the film’s director can no longer reach them for an interview. Meanwhile, the pair’s long-term partner, Weza, remains confined to suburbs after he fell out with the others and was excluded from the contract. A public discussion following the film welcomed Mohammed Abdelmageed M. Hussein and Ahmed Awadalla, who having witnessed the emergence of Electo Chaabi in Egypt, were both well placed to comment. Ahmed Awadalla noted that 30 per cent of Egyptians live in conditions similar to those experienced by Mahragam’s pioneers in the slums. Yet, not only does Mahragam directly represent this section of society, but also another 30 per cent of Egyptians can certainly relate to the phenomenon – youth make up almost 60 per cent of the population. Even before the 2011 revolution, this musical style was evolving. It dates to around 2007-8, when it grew out of the streets and weddings of Egypt’s under-represented working class. With revolution, came an opportunity to break down class barriers and expand into a new space. While previously ignored by the media, Mahragan was soon able to conquer not only the “streets,” but also the (mass) media. Mohammed Abdelmageed M. Hussein explained that Electro Chaabi was a fusion of electronic influences with older Chaabi (Egyptian folk music), which is traditionally played at weddings in Upper Egypt – his home region. Originally, Chaabi was simply the music of ordinary people and their stories, neither particularly cultural nor political. An audience member pointed out that, in contrast, Electro Chaabi is clearly distinguishable from its traditional roots as a highly critical “voice of the poor”. In this, it seems to more closely represent the dynamics of contemporary Egyptian society. Asked whether Mahragan was comparable to gangsta rap in the US or baile funk in Brazil, and whether it formed part of a global movement, Mohammed could only partially agree. Indeed, all three have grown out of repressive histories and share many common themes, such as drugs, violence, sex, and to some extent politics. However, in Egypt, there is an additional revolutionary element. In this sense, Mahragan is more accurately analogised with hip hop and blues, which share a comparable, emancipatory connection to the American civil rights movement. When questioned on how Mahragan had reacted to the military coup in 2013, Ahmed Awadalla argued that the music has retained its presence. However, the genre now faces a debate over whether it promotes drug abuse and violence (similar to the challenges faced by the popular Sobky movies). As a result, it is increasingly battles bans and censorship. Yet, songs about drugs are nothing new in Egypt, according to one audience member, who pointed out that Egyptian lyrics had been making drug references as early as the 1920s. For Chaabi, this tradition has been particularly present since the 1970s, a time of political and economic transformation. Another interesting perspective from the audience pointed out the paradox in Chaabi’s reference to drug culture, given that it emerged from the same slums where strong conservative and Islamist movements have spread. Mohamed Abdelmageed M. Hussein explained this by suggesting the slums were dynamic spaces, constantly reshaping themselves and their identities. Correspondingly, such seemingly contradictory developments are not impossible. In line with the theme of 14km’s upcoming Film and Discussion Series evening on 8 December, the current discussion brought up issues of gender and tackled the question of why women had such a weak presence in the film: “Why are the men and women always split into separate groups? Is there not also newfound freedom for women?” One audience member suggested that across the MENA region, “everything is divided” along gender lines. It is socially accepted that women and men do not mix, rather keeping a distance from one another. That, however, does not in and of itself mean women are oppressed. Instead, it only highlights that women have their own sphere – one which is not portrayed in this film. While we see a dominant male culture here, that is not representative of all society. Another commentator argued it could even be dangerous to challenge these invisible boundaries; bringing women and girls into the picture could make them subjects of harassment or worse. Further, it was pointed out that in Egypt’s upper classes, including at the popular music festivals they attend, both sexes dance together without such strict separation. In the slums, however, it remained striking how only the men were able to seize the opportunity to express themselves freely. Lastly, we learned that there are indeed public Mahragan shows by and for women, but that these are neither large nor famous. For example: Our guest Ahmed Awadalla blogs. Biography of director Hind Meddeb Music tips from the audience Film review on norient Event coordination and presentation: Andreas Fricke Coordination of the Film Series: Andreas Fricke Text: Steffen Benzler Translation: Alex Odlum Photos: Jana Vietze Organisation: The 14km Volunteer Film Crew The 14km Film and Discussion Series 2015 gets sponsorship by budgetary funds of the Federal State of Berlin – Office for Development Cooperation. Further events are scheduled as followed: 9 December The events are dedicatet to a single country or specific topic, in order to give an artistic-documentary impression. The ensuing audience discussion aims to include further informations by an affected person living in Berlin and by an scientific expert, always aiming to make links to North-South relationships. We express thanks for the support:

Thousands of refugees are crossing the border daily into Germany in search of a more secure future. Unlike Germany, in Europe this situation is well-known. The 6th evening in our Film and Discussion Series for 2015 featured Gerardo Olivares’ Film “14 Kilometers – The Pursuit of Happiness” as well as Harald Glöde from Borderline Europe in a panel discussion. As the evening unfolded, we saw that the latest developments filling the news today have long been foreseeable, and could have been far earlier addressed by policies. The film, “14 Kilometers – The Pursuit of Happiness,” accompanies three refugees – Violeta from Mali, along with the two brothers, Buba and Mukela from Niger – on their difficult journey to Europe. From the outset, it is clear that all three have put everything on the table for this journey. The challenges of life as a refugee are clear from the very beginning in Agadez. To get from here to the Algerian border, passengers load into a truck headed for Algeria, constantly harassed at arbitrary checkpoints by corrupt border officials. Those who run out of cash are left to be exploited, working the worst jobs to survive and keep their hopes of onward travel alive. Having fled the prospect of a forced marriage, Violeta ultimately finds herself faced with sexual exploitation on her travels. Explotiation, danger, and an irrepressible will The truck halts in Ténéré desert, northern Niger. The three travellers are facing a walk through the desert (“heading northwest”), aiming for the Algerian Tamanrasset, while the truck continues onwards in a different direction. Violeta, Buba and Mukela become lost. Unable to find the border town between Niger and Algeria, they run circles before falling exhausted under the shade of some acacias. At the last minute, passing Tuaregs are able to save Violeta and Buba. For Mukela, the help arrives too late. On the unforgiving route to Europe, one of only sources of solace is the unconditional hospitality of the traditional, nomadic tribes. Onwards, towards the Algerian-Moroccan border, Violeta and Buba manage to cross the frontier after several attempts, taking advantage of the chaotic bureaucracy. In Morocco, we find the first state authority who does not exploit the refugees, even going so far as to help them. Once in Tangiers, Violeta and Buba give the last of their money to a well-dressed people smuggler who offers to transport them across the Straits of Gibraltar. But after a successful crossing, there is not much time to celebrate. With police in hot pursuit, Violeta and Buba seek cover in the woods, before noticing the Civil Guard officials have turned a blind eye. While they can now travel undisturbed, the refugees realise an uncertain future awaits them. Shot back in 2008, the film shows the long ignored prelude to the present European migration crisis – particularly in this last scene, which aptly highlights the current state of Europe’s external borders. Different escape routes, similar reasons to escape According to Harald Glöde (Borderline Europe) in the post-film audience discussion, the film closely reflects current realities. However, this particular route from Morocco is rarely taken today, with Frontex ships and strict controls blocking passages through the Straits of Gibraltar or to the Canary Islands. Yet, unperturbed by the high, NATO-enforced fences surrounding Ceuta and Melilla, thousands of refugees remain poised in the mountains ready to cross en masse, even if only a few make it across at a time. But as state structures weaken in Mali and Algeria and insecurity grows in the face of Islamist threats, fewer refugees are venturing down such dangerous paths today. Nowadays, the main migration route from Sub-Saharan Africa goes through Agadez, directly towards Libya, where militias finance vast smuggling operations. According to Sea-Watch, there are two well-known transit points where Europe could be directing humanitarian aid. The first is in Libya, from where around 150,000 have journeyed to Italy this year. The other is Greece, which has served as a contact point to the EU for over 450,000 people – not only because the EU’s Dublin regulations have been de facto overruled and refugees are being allowed to travel onwards through Europe, but also due to the simple proximity of Greece to Turkey, where millions of Syrians are already seeking refuge. New Syrian refugees in Europe do not have many other alternatives. In North Africa, Morocco alone is the only country where Syrian refugees can live legally, supported by UNHCR. Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt offer no asylum procedures that would open new perspectives. Here, Syrian refugees face disenfranchisement and discrimination, with few informal labour opportunities. Even richer Arab states show little interest in welcoming large numbers of Syrian refugees. Unlike Syrians, however, those leaving sub-Saharan African may be differently motivated, and are more often on the move due to the lack of future prospects in their homelands. Europe cannot be absolved of responsibility for this state of affairs: fisheries agreements, milk powder and meat exports have all impacted on the African economies. Climate change further impacts on livelihoods. As a result, refugees are fleeing despair not only in Syria, Eritrea, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and Somalia, but also in countries such as Nigeria, Chad, Ghana and Kenya. Military, humanitarian and political measures Asked whether it was possible to improve the safety of current migration routes, Harald Glöde rejected the idea that improvements could be made under current policies. Symbolic polices will continue, but will have little positive effect. Suggested solutions like asylum centres in Greece and Italy will not solve the problem. The audience clearly agreed that refugees could not simply be sent “between camps as packages!” The EU’s plan to resettle 100,000 refugees across Europe was, for Glöde, not sufficient given the current number of refugee arrivals. In any case, having been resettled to countries that persist in marginalising them, refugees would move on to safe third-countries at any cost. Moreover, he pointed out that, despite the EU border countries’ pleas, Germany refused to reform the Dublin system for many years. As Spain, Greece, Hungary and Italy were left to fend for themselves, Germany sat contentedly behind its buffer states. It is only now, when Germany finally feels the pinch herself, that she is pushing for reform. It seems that the only sustainable long-term solution to the crisis is to foster legal migration routes for refugees. Renaming the European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR Med) as “Opeation Sofia” represented another symbolic gesture for Glöde, after a young girl was rescued by a military ship off the Libyan coast on 22 August 2015. Giving the military operation such a name serves as a mere attempt to give it a human face. The Libya operation is geared around three goals (1) Education (2) Redirection (3) Destruction of the smuggling boats. By October 2015, phase 2 was underway, but with no date for the third phase in sight. Indeed, navy operations by Frontex and coastguards were being matched by civil society: Sea-Watch, MSF (two ships), and a Maltese millionaire’s own private rescue ship! Motivations behind the refugee policies Asked whether arson attacks on refugee settlements and groups such as Pegida negatively impact on efforts to help refugees in Germany, Glöde argued that “Pegida is a Saxon problem.” One should not forget the positive energies set free. The politicians were “light years away from the a welcoming culture expressed in civil society.” In that sense, Angela Merkel’s commitment to welcoming hundreds of thousands of refugees into Germany should be seen in the light of foreign policy, where it boosts Europe’s international prestige and Germany’s role as a leading nation in Europe rather than a well thought through policy on how to best accommodate and integrate a mass influx of refugees.   Press review about the film (German) Films about MIGRATION in the 14km Film Database   Event coordination and presentation: Andreas Fricke Coordination of the Film Series: Andreas Fricke Text: Steffen Benzler Translation: Alex Odlum Photos: Jana Vietze Organisation: The Volunteer 14km Film Crew At 11 and 12 July 2014 14km e.V. was hosting a symposium on “Displacement // Migration // Development" to discuss facets of migration between North Africa and Europe with human rights activists, scientists, fellows of diaspora organizations and interested participants. The report can be found here in German language. Additional informations: Nahrain Al-Mousawi (EUME) works currently on her book about migrant stories about the geographical borders Mediterranian Sean and Sahara. Both natural divides are analised as dividing as well as uniting for the affected humans. Reiner Klingholz and Stephan Sievert analyse factors steering the migration to Europe: "Crisis on Europe's Southern Borders" (Berlin Institute for Population and Development 2014) Paul Collier (2013): "Exodus" Ralph A. Austen (2010): "Trans-Saharan Africa in World History" The 14km Film and Discussion Series 2015 gets sponsorship by budgetary funds of the Federal State of Berlin – Office for Development Cooperation. The upcoming Film- and Discussion night will be about political pop music in Cairo. On November 18th we will screen the documentary "Electro Chaabi". Read more. Further events are scheduled as followed: 18 November / 9 December The events are dedicatet to a single country or specific topic, in order to give an artistic-documentary impression . The ensuing audience discussion aims to include further informations by an affected person living in Berlin and by an scientific expert, always aiming to make links to North-South relationships. We express thanks for the support:

For decades, the Sahrawi have been fighting for political independence from Morocco. Faced with numerous expulsions and countless human rights violations at the hands of the Moroccan occupying power, the Sahrawi have fought for their rights, first militarily, and since the signing of a peace agreement in 1991, through peaceful resistance. The fact that this long-standing conflict over the last colony in Africa is so rarely given attention in the international media was a key motivation to highlight the issue for this fifth evening of 14km’s Film and Discussion Series. With her documentary, “Life is waiting – referendum and resistance in Western Sahara,” Brazilian film maker and political activist, Iara Lee, sheds light on the Sahrawi desert people and their almost forgotten struggle for national self-determination. The film explores over 40 years of history in north-west Africa, and highlights the living conditions of the people of Western Sahara along with their form of non-violent resistance. When Spain, after having ruled the territory as a colonial power, withdrew in 1975, both Morocco and Mauritania rushed in to occupy the resource rich country in violation of international law. A Sahrawi liberation and independence movement – the Polisario Front – soon emerged, calling and taking up arms for an independent “Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.” Whereas Mauritania withdrew its troops in 1979, Morocco did not abandon its territorial claims. Moroccan napalm and phosphorous bombs saw tens of thousands of Sahrawi flee into exile in Algeria, where they remain to this day in refugee camps, separated from their homeland by over 2,700km of walls and minefields. Despite the signing of a ceasefire agreement in 1991, the conflict remains far from resolved. UN MINURSO, the international peacekeeping mission established to ensure the ceasefire held and pave the way for a referendum, has largely failed. So far, no referendum has been held. Instead, Moroccan troops have increased daily attacks on the Sahrawi, who have in turn fought back. The film gives a voice to many Sahrawi activists who express their opposition through art and political action. Take the young rapper, Flitoox Crazy, for example, who raps confidently about freedom and peace. Undeterred despite being severely tortured at the hands of the Moroccan police, he continues to fight for the rights of his people. Similarly, the film introduces us to Aminatou Haidar, perhaps the most well known Sahrawi rights activist. After being arrested during a demonstration, Haidar spent over four years in a Moroccan prison, suffering torture. “My children can grow up without parents, but not without dignity,” she says, explaining the struggle for justice and an independent homeland. The film is dedicated to the late Sahrawi singer, Marien Hassan – the “Voice of the Sahara.” For decades, her songs of resistance about everyday life in exile and Sahrawi identity touched close to the hearts of her people. She exemplified the power of art in expressing political resistance and highlighted the strong role Sahrawi women play in the struggle against the occupation of their homeland. The film makes it clear that the Sahrawi are a proud people, brought even closer together by a collective identity based on their common resistance against the occupiers. We witness a vivid description of Sahrawi resistance struggle in the film. The public discussion following the film gave rise to more important questions about the background and nature of the conflict, and the future of Western Sahara. The responsibility of Europe and the international community was a particularly salient topic. Saleh Mustapha is an activist from Western Sahara. Born in Smara refugee camp in Algeria, he is currently living as a student in Berlin. He stressed the fact that the United Nations has failed to fulfil its responsibilities in mediating a resolution to the conflict. For him, UNHCR’s support and WFP’s food assistance to the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria should not obscure the fact that the Sahrawi’s fundamental rights continue to be denied. International human rights organisations have been consistently complaining of the Sahrawi’s mistreatment, torture and even death in detention, as well as the ever-present danger of landmines. Reports of arbitrary arrests of Sahrawi activists, and restrictions on freedoms of assembly, speech and movement are also frequent. Saleh Mustapha reminded the audience of the high numbers of missing persons and political prisoners locked up in Moroccan prisons. Without a mandate to monitor human rights violations, the MINURSO peacekeeping mission is impotent and the violations of Moroccan security forces will continue to go unpunished. Berlin artist, Bettina Semmer, who has come to know Western Sahara through multiple visits and art projects, emphasised the role of European economic interests, and in particular, the economic importance to France and Spain of maintaining good relationships with Morocco. The western areas occupied by Morocco are located along the fishing-rich Atlantic coast, and also boast important minerals, especially phosphate. France’s veto power on the UN Security Council was seen as a key reason as to why MINURSO’s mandate was watered down to remain silent on the issue of documenting human rights violations. Parallels with the Israeli occupation of the Palestine and the resistance struggle there are readily apparent. The independence struggle of the Sahrawi, however, has gained far less attention. One Sahrawi audience member explained that the lack of international interest comes from the West’s interest in a stable Morocco and containing the Sahrawi movement to one of non-violent resistance. Frustrated, she lamented: “So long as there are no bombs exploding and no fighting, nobody looks any further.” But she warned that patience among the youth of the occupied territories is wearing thin. Living conditions of the Sahrawi are poor. About 540,000 Sahrawi live in Western Sahara, with between 210,000 and 420,000 in exile (mainly in Morocco and Algeria). Around 60 per cent of the camps’ inhabitants are teenagers and young adults. Saleh Mustapha spoke of the poor conditions in the camps. Of the Sahrawi who study, most do so abroad like him, predominantly in Algeria, Cuba and Spain. Yet, on their return, there are no jobs. Faced with hopelessness and isolation in the camps, the inaction of the international community and the changing political climate in North Africa after the Arab Spring, many are thinking about returning to armed struggle. “The Sahrawi people must decide whether or not to return to war. Without war, another forty years may pass,” declares a Sahrawi activist in the film. Saleh Mustapha, however, warned against a radicalisation of the struggle, pointing to the Middle East and the civil war in Syria as an example of the dangers of armed conflict. There seems to be no obvious solution to the conflict in Africa’s last remaining colony. Uncertainty over the future of this disputed territory on the Atlantic coast has prevailed for years, and the international community appears to accept the Sahrawi’s situation as the price to pay for maintaining political stability and its economic interests in the region. Nonetheless, there are hopeful, optimistic voices. Saleh Mustapha, for example, stressed the importance of international support. “Without international solidarity, our voices cannot be heard throughout the world,” says Saleh. Only with non-violent resistance can the conflict be highlighted to the world’s public. But the question remains, how long can the Sahrawi persevere in their peaceful struggle? We thank our guests, Bettina Semmer and Saleh Mustapha, for sharing their exciting and personal impressions and for contributing to a very interesting event about the situation in Western Sahara. Event coordination and presentation: Silvia Limiñana and Andreas Fricke Coordination of the Film Series: Andreas Fricke Text: Carolin Bannorth Text translation: Alex Odlum Photos: Andreas Fricke and Carolin Bannorth Organisation: The 14km Volunteer Film Crew The 14km Film and Discussion Series 2015 gets sponsorship by budgetary funds of the Federal State of Berlin – Office for Development Cooperation. Further events are scheduled as followed: October 28th  /  November 18th  /  Dezember 9th The events are dedicatet to a single country or specific topic, in order to give an artistic-documentary impression . The ensuing audience discussion aims to include further informations by an affected person living in Berlin and by an scientific expert, always aiming to make links to North-South relationships.   We express thanks for the support:

The four guest discussing with moderator Carolin Bannorth: from left to right: Carolin Bannorth, Hervé Tcheumeleu, Sarah Reinke, Ahmad Hassan Arnau, Abbas Tharwat The Darfur conflict – told by local people, based on their own lived experiences. This was the theme of the fourth evening in 14km’s Film and Discussion Series, which featured Sudanese director, Hisham Hajj Omar’s documentary: “Darfur’s Skeleton”. From the outset, the audience was closely listening to the realities of Darfur as our guest, Ahmad Hassan Arnaud, himself having fled from the region, explained: “In Darfur, a village is burned every one to two days. But the media do not report it.” This 2009 film covers three dimensions of the war in Darfur: environmental destruction, persecution of the civilian population, and the role of tribal authorities in resolving the conflict. At the time of filming, three trees a day were being cut down in Kondowa forest – a rate that could soon lead to desertification of the region. In 2009, the forest is as good as dead. Nearby, in Otash camp, the home for tens of thousands of people displaced from their homes, inhabitants struggle to survive through daily life with close to nothing. For these refugees, selling the rare forest wood represents a scarce livelihood opportunity they are obliged to take, despite the protests of forest rangers in the film. “We have no choice”, the displaced declare. The Kondowa forest symbolizes a vicious cycle, which fuels the war in Darfur: a poor climate and limited arable land drives resource conflicts between neighbouring tribes, and nomadic and sedentary populations. In turn, hostilities destroy villages and force people to flee, leading to further exploitation of national resources in areas where thousands of refugees gather – as in the Kondowa Forest. Giving voice to the victims The sight of countless victims fleeing violence, which pervades the news and media, offers only an abstract context and encrypted figures. This documentary, in contrast, highlights the names, faces and voices of the victims. Aysha, for example, was shot and robbed in an attack in Guz. She lay alone and helpless in the village with her daughter until relatives were eventually able to rescue her, only for her injured leg to be amputated in Otash refugee camp, condemning her to a life of idleness. Half-smiling, Aysha laments: “How are we going to find the strength to cry?” By contrast, teacher Mohamed Adam, remains positive. He himself had to flee from home, traveling a dangerous route before reaching Otash camp. Having endured the experience, he is determined to pass on his knowledge to the children in the camp, so that they may tread a new, better path. In addition to allowing victims of the war to have their say, the film analyses the causes of the war, portraying the situation from their perspective. They speak of the responsibility of the central government in Khartoum, whose strategy of “divide and rule” and tactics using the Janjaweed militia has activated conflict lines and fuelled hostility between the Arab and African populations. Tribal leaders argue that with peace between the government and the rebels, conflicts between individual tribes would soon be reconciled. Yet, the government is hesitant to provide essential funding to tribes so that they might self-govern and achieve peace. Another obstacle to peace, particularly emphasised by political analysts, is the challenge of putting to trial war criminals and providing reparations to the victims – without which there can be neither peace nor an end to cycle of hatred. Holding the perpetrators accountable 14km staff Carolin Bannorth and Andreas Fricke The absence of judicial process was addressed by Sarah Reinke of the Society for Threatened Peoples in an audience discussion following the film screening. Tribunals at the local level and permanent mechanisms for prosecution are needed. At the international level, prosecution was not successful either. The International Criminal Court failed to hold President Omar al-Bashir accountable although he was indicted for his involvement in genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Ultimately, the international community’s attempts to resolve the conflict have not been helpful. According to Sarah Reinke, the Doha peace process was not supported by international powers, with Russia and China blocking the UN Security Council’s ability to act. Hervé Tcheumeleu, executive director of the Africa Media Centre, pointed to the economic interests of large defence manufacturing companies, and to countries including Russia, China and the UK. Similarly, the impotence of the African Union (AU) on the issue has been evident, with Tcheumeleu arguing that “many presidents in the AU support Al-Bashir, as they themselves are in the same position as he is.” “A village is burned every one or two days” Hajooj Kuka by Toyin Ajao (CC) Ahmad Hassan Arnaud, a young Sudanese man from Darfur who has been living in Berlin for three years, lived through the war himself. “The reality is still clearly worse than shown in the film,” he informed the audience. “A village is burned every one or two days. But the media do not report it.” Sarah Reinke agreed: “After twelve years of genocide, the situation is very grim.” It was difficult to take a positive outlook away from the discussion. But at least the film ended on an optimistic note with a hopeful phrase: Darfur has a strong skeleton – and so long as the skeleton remains intact, flesh will once again cling to it. The director, who is currently working under the name of Hajooj Kuka, is receiving a lot of accolades and prizes, from Toronto to Luxor, for his second documentary “The Beats of Antonov.” This film, which explores the music scene of his home country, gives expression to something that is obscured by the palpable suffering in “Darfur’s Skeleton”: Against an identity that is imposed by the Government and which drives conflict, the only solution is to enthusiastically become aware of one’s own cultural identity. After the first film, we know that Darfur’s skeleton is not yet broken. After the second film, we will know that music can bring Darfur’s skeleton back to life. We thank our guests Ahmad Hassan Arnaud, Sarah Reinke, Hervé Tcheumeleu and Abbas Tharwat for helping us approach the difficult topic by sharing their personal point of views. Film links:  Film homepage Director’s CV Event organisation and moderation: Carolin Bannorth Coordination of the Film and Discussion Series: Andreas Fricke Text: Susanne Kappe Translation: Alex Odlum Photos: Silvia Limiñana, Caroline Bunge Organisation: The volunteer 14km Film Team The 14km Film and Discussion Series 2015 gets sponsorship by budgetary funds of the Federal State of Berlin – Office for Development Cooperation. Further events are scheduled as followed: 07 October / 28 October / 18 November / 9 December The events are dedicatet to a single country or specific topic, in order to give an artistic-documentary impression . The ensuing audience discussion aims to include further informations by an affected person living in Berlin and by an scientific expert, always aiming to make links to North-South relationships. We express thanks for the support:

Two Swedes, a camel and the wide Yemeni desert – all set for an adventure. The third evening of our 14km Film and Discussion Series brought opposites together, not only on the screen, but also off it in the Filmrauschpalast filled to capacity with a diverse group of guests. After the film, Amal Nasser, Yemeni activist and co-founder of ArabHub Berlin, and Mohamed al-Thawr of "The Youth Initiative for a New Yemen", discussed stereotypes and diversity, as well as women's rights in contemporary Yemen. The film's Swedish director, Mikael Strandberg, is a passionate and experienced explorer. According to a friend speaking on his behalf, Strandberg's message to the audience was: "It's very hard to be in Yemen and not to fall in love with the country". However, whether his film succeeds in conveying this same message while portraying the diversity of the country and its people's needs, brought up a range of opinions in the ensuing discussion. An Adventurous Perspective The film is shot from the perspective of an adventurer looking directly into the director’s camera. Right from the introduction, the audience is prepared for an expedition, which they watch unravel over 60 minutes from the comfort of their armchairs. We first find the two exhausted explorers in the middle of the desert, seemingly stranded with their camel unwilling to continue. There seems to be no way forward. We are then transported back to the starting point of the journey in the capital, Sanaa. There, Mikael Strandberg and the journalist Tanya Holm are eagerly getting to know Yemeni society, meeting a Sheikh responsible for negotiations over a murder case. Strandberg is impressed by the good atmosphere among the hundreds of tribal members and their ability to resolve such a sensitive dispute, with neither aggression nor the assistance of the state institutions. He is less impressed, however, by the ever-present weapons and dangers of possible terrorist attacks. After that episode, we accompany Mikael and Tanya on their gruelling trek through the desert of the al-Mahra region, witnessing the generous hospitality with which the humble local villagers consistently greet them. The adventurers travel by foot in order to get as close as possible to the locals and to try and reciprocate their warmth and curiosity. By contrast, negative images of terrorists and rebel fighters with their attacks, kidnappings and hate speech, hardly appear in the film – they were simply not encountered during the 2012 journey. And that is a key message of the director: in contrast to the negative coverage of Yemen in the Western media, it is important to paint a positive picture that emphasises the normality of people above and beyond the country’s troubles with violence. Diversity versus Stereotypes Amal Nasser, invited to the post-film discussion as an expert on Yemen, was left unconvinced by Mikael Strindberg's portrait of Yemen. She points to the early scene portraying the gathering of armed men, or to that set in a Bedouin tent where Strandberg explains to his hosts the workings of a GPS device, as examples of the unbearable stereotypes of Yemenis reproduced even in this film. According to Amal, the film does not show the reality of 9-to-5 professionals or cafe visits among friends in the way they would be captured by local Yemeni directors. Mohamed al-Thawr, however, disagreed. For him, it is clear that the adventurer is looking for exciting snapshots, as he would expect to find them on a dangerous wilderness journey. Of course, there is another daily life in Yemen, but it is not so interesting to document. Exploring Yemen's diversity has been somewhat of a personal expedition for Mohamed al-Thawr, who has spent his whole life oscillating between Yemen and Germany. 25 per cent of Yemen's population in the 1960s were Yemeni Jews. To meet a few of those who are still living in Yemen, Mohamed made a contact through his father's hospital, travelled to the Jewish villages and invited the Yemeni Jews to a meeting in Sanaa. "After the masks have been lifted, you can see thousands of similarities ," remarked Mohamed al-Thawr on the impressive experience. Women in Yemen: Emancipated or without Rights? For Amal Nasser, the lived diversity of a society is closely related to the ability of women to move naturally in public space. Unfortunately, this, along with the representation of women in political office, is rare. Although there are female Yemeni politicians, many are entangled in a corrupt system and do not pursue political programmes on their own. This is in contrast to committed young activists pursuing social goals outside of the political system. The role of women in society represented a controversial topic during the demonstrations of 2011. Dr. Yahya al-Thawr, Mohamed's father, is convinced that Yemeni women are in fact "very emancipated" as demonstrated by their important role in the demonstrations along with the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the female Yemeni activist and politician: Tawakkol Karman. Amal Nasser, by contrast, argued that Yemeni women protested as individuals, rather than on behalf of females. For her, it is unfortunately clear that most women in Yemen are oppressed, by fathers, brothers and other authority figures who constrain their free choices. As such, their primary struggle is to achieve their own rights as women, with other revolutionary goals a secondary interest. A Yemeni man in the audience agreed: "It is us men who say that women are supposedly equal in Yemen ". Yemen Today Today's violent situation in Yemen has extinguished the hopeful mood that permeated the country in 2011 after the overthrow of Ali Abdullah Saleh. "The war is a disaster," summarised Mohamed al-Thawr. But this declaration of love, as director Mikael Strandberg describes his film about Yemen, represents at least a small positive beacon amidst a sea of terrible events. Thanks to Amal Nasser and Mohamed al-Thawr for contributing to the fascinating discussion and for providing their interesting insights into the social and political situation in Yemen. Movie links: Film homepage Distribution Information Director’s comment Event Presentation and Moderation: Hussein Ben Amor On site coordination: Andreas Fricke Text: Susanne Kappe Translation: Alex Odlum Photos: Jana Vietze Programme: the 14km Volunteer Film Team The 14km Film and Discussion Series 2015 gets sponsorship by budgetary funds of the Federal State of Berlin – Office for Development Cooperation. The 14km Film Database offers an additional collection of films from and about Yemen, including shorts, documentaries and feature movies. The media collective "# Support Yemen" is producing videos like the short film "The Melody of our Alienation".  You find a tv documentary made by interviews of yemeni women on the revolution. The upcoming Film and Discussion Event takes place on September 16th and will be about Sudan. Read more about the date and the film screening of "Darfur's Sceleton". Further events are scheduled as followed: 07 October / 28 October / 18 November / 9 December The events are dedicatet to a single country or specific topic, in order to give an artistic-documentary impression . The ensuing audience discussion aims to include further informations by an affected person living in Berlin and by an scientific expert, always aiming to make links to North-South relationships. We express thanks for the support: